T reprieve following the ceasefire in Gaza is substantial. In Israel, the release of surviving detainees has led to widespread elation. Throughout Gaza and the West Bank, festivities are taking place as as many as 2,000 Palestinian prisoners are being freed – though anguish remains due to doubt about which prisoners are returning and where they will be sent. Throughout Gaza's northern regions, residents can at last return to dig through rubble for the bodies of an estimated 10,000 unaccounted-for individuals.
Only three weeks ago, the probability of a ceasefire looked improbable. But it has been implemented, and on Monday Donald Trump departed Jerusalem, where he was applauded in the Knesset, to Sharm el-Sheikh in Egypt. There, he participated in a prestigious peace summit of in excess of 20 world leaders, including Sir Keir Starmer. The diplomatic roadmap launched at that summit is scheduled to proceed at a assembly in the UK. The US president, cooperating with international partners, managed to secure this deal take place – despite, not because of, Israel’s prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Aspirations that the deal signifies the first step toward Palestinian statehood are comprehensible – but, in light of past occurrences, rather hopeful. It offers no clear path to independence for Palestinians and risks separating, for the foreseeable future, Gaza from the West Bank. Then there is the total ruin this war has caused. The absence of any timeline for Palestinian self-governance in the US initiative contradicts self-aggrandizing references, in his Knesset speech, to the “epochal beginning” of a “golden age”.
The US president was unable to refrain from sowing division and personalising the deal in his speech.
In a time of relief – with the liberation of detainees, ceasefire and resumption of aid – he opted to reframe it as a morality play in which he exclusively reclaimed Israel’s honor after supposed treachery by previous American leaders Obama and Biden. This even as the Biden administration a year ago having attempted a analogous arrangement: a ceasefire tied to aid delivery and eventual diplomatic discussions.
A plan that denies one side meaningful agency is incapable of delivering authentic resolution. The halt in hostilities and relief shipments are to be embraced. But this is still not political progress. Without mechanisms guaranteeing Palestinian participation and command over their own organizations, any deal threatens cementing oppression under the language of peace.
Gaza’s people crucially depend on emergency support – and nutrition and medication must be the initial concern. But reconstruction should not be postponed. Within 60 million tonnes of wreckage, Palestinians need support reconstructing dwellings, schools, healthcare facilities, places of worship and other establishments shattered by Israel’s invasion. For Gaza’s transitional administration to thrive, funding must arrive promptly and security gaps be remedied.
Comparable with a great deal of Mr Trump’s diplomatic proposal, mentions to an global peacekeeping unit and a suggested “diplomatic committee” are worryingly ambiguous.
Robust global backing for the Gaza's governing body, allowing it to succeed Hamas, is likely the most encouraging scenario. The enormous suffering of the previous 24 months means the humanitarian imperative for a solution to the conflict is potentially more critical than ever. But although the halt in fighting, the repatriation of the detainees and pledge by Hamas to “disarm” Gaza should be accepted as positive steps, Mr Trump’s track record provides scant basis to trust he will accomplish – or feel bound to endeavor. Temporary ease does not mean that the prospect of a Palestinian state has been brought closer.
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